In a hurry. Editing later. If you notice something let me know.
I have made reference to historical linguistics and the deep
connections between languages many times before. Many linguists do not consider such
connections to be established, and indeed impossible to ever establish. When I started
following this, the consensus was that any time depth beyond 5,000 years was
not credible. Languages change too much
over that time to have recognizable similarities. One thousand years is considered the (highly)
variable estimate of how long it takes for a language to no longer be
understandable without helps. For
example modern English-speakers can recognize the similarity immediately and
understand Old English with a bit of work. We can see similarities in West
Germanic from a thousand years before that if they are pointed out to us, but
actual comprehension takes training. To
understand the ancestral languages before that, back into Proto-Germanic and
Proto-Indo-European, is the work of specialists. Any deeper connections, many
linguists said – and still say – are hypothetical. Over the last few decades
that has stretched to 6-8,000 years, and some will reluctantly even say 10,000,
but those are the upper limits for that approach to historical linguistics.
Some Russian linguists believed they could detect
similarities at greater depth - significantly, they had access to a great many language families we did not - and associated those language families into larger
collections. In America, Joseph
Greenberg at Stanford taught much the same in the 60s and 70’s by using a
technique based on vocabulary that most linguists still reject. The controversy has
never gone away, but the possibility of seeing relationships between languages
and language families at greater time depth has slowly gained favor. In
particular, Greenberg categorized the languages of the New World into three
groups: a most-recent Eskimo-Aleut migration; an earlier Athabaskan (or
Na-Dene) arrival; and everything else in North and South America, from the
earliest migration, as Amerind. That would mean connecting those languages as
related at a time-depth of 15,000 years, which is considered out of reach for
traditional linguistic techniques. Even
the early genetic work by Cavelli-Sforza supported Greenberg’s theory that
these languages all came from a single Beringian migration, and later genetic
findings have nailed that external supporting evidence to the ground. Yet the
existence of Amerind as a single
family is almost universally rejected.
By linguists, anyway. Everyone
else is becoming more confident Greenberg had it right.
Why then do historical linguists persist in saying the
connection is not established? I am not entirely
sympathetic to their arguments, but it isn’t as if they don’t have good
points. First, the evidence from other
fields is from other fields. They
don’t know if it is all going to change tomorrow, or at least start developing
important correctives. They may be
interested in such findings and use them to inform their own work, but the idea
that we do what we do and tend our own
garden is not crazy. This may all turn out to be the case, but
it’s not linguistics. We’re telling you
what the linguistics shows. And similarities at time-depths of even 15,000
years are not detectable, never mind the 40,000 years some people are talking
about.
Next, the relationship between language and genetics is
uncertain, and one need look no farther than an American schoolroom to see
this. They are all speaking English, but
one glance will tell you they do not share near genetics. In addition to such
wholesale takeovers of one group by another repeatedly in the past, there are
also borrowings of words and complicated interbreeding arrangements that can
send a language off in a new direction. Lots of us more than just possible
answers to questions, and if we can’t have proof, we sometimes insist on high
probability. Faced with the knowledge of
genetic connection between Algonquians and Seminoles, a linguist might say
“Interesting, but so what, really. It could be anything.”
Vocabulary changes much more rapidly, and for much more
arbitrary reasons than the deeper structures of language such as sound changes,
or word order and other syntax. Linguists are much more suspicious of word
similarity as evidence of language connection for that reason. Even in
languages we know well, we think we see patterns and derivations that aren’t
there. We used to believe that the English word girl which once meant either a male or female child must be
related to Swedish gurre, “small
child” especially as there are other similar terms in Norwegian and Low German dialects.
Yet this is increasingly rejected.
In addition to what is mentioned at the link, there would also have been
a sound change from the nearest possible ancestral language moving into
English, and we would be pronouncing it “yirl.” How much more in languages that
are barely attested, only written down over the last hundred years, and that by
non-native speakers? It’s a solid point.
Greenberg’s Multilateral Comparison
involves making comparisons not only at the level of single languages, but of
entire families. That is, If a word from
a language in family A is similar to a word (including meaning) in any member of family B, once can posit a
relationship if you get enough of them. One can see why this would attract
objection. Bringing in the vocabularies
of languages already known to be distinct, even if related, is introducing even
more noise.
It is a signal-to-noise problem. There’s more signal to
noise form syntax than vocabulary. And
if you broaden the definition of vocabulary even further it gets worse. Old
style linguists are correct in this information. Greenberg’s attempt to bypass this noise
problem by sheer volume of information, insisting that if you get enough volume
you can start to detect signal, doesn’t impress them. (The same quote from Lyle Campbell always
seems to be used. Isn’t there anyone
else quotable on the subject? Doesn't that in itself tell us something?)
It impresses me. We are increasingly able to filter out noise
and detect signal in everything else these days, I don’t see why language
should be different. Greenberg’s hypothesis turns out to be correct, and “it’s
nae use sayin’ pigs conner fly when ye see ‘em sproutin’ wings.” I will tell
you what is most likely to happen.
Cross-disciplinary studies are now becoming the norm, and the geneticist
and archaeologist speaking together and coming to a common conclusion about a
relatedness between peoples based on tools and DNA are not going to be
interested in a strict linguist saying “I regard this as merely possible. I
can’t sign on.” If he could rule something out as impossible, or propose an
alternative explanation of relationship, perhaps bringing in yet a third group
to explain, they would be fine with that.
But the linguist has backed himself into a corner there, unable to
disprove, and also not very certain about any of the possible alternatives,
because he is demanding a high level of certainty.
The purpose of a field of study in its origin is to find
answers to questions. Who lived here?
Why don’t these chemicals mix when I shake them? Why do people in groups act like this? Allorganisations move toward perpetuating themselves,
and eventually the real talent goes elsewhere.
5 comments:
"For example modern English-speakers can recognize the similarity immediately and understand Old English with a bit of work."
Yet... modern English speakers cannot recognize and understand the language of modern Glasgow taxi drivers.
How fast does a language change in isolation? Is it relatively constant?
It is hard to know, but believed to be faster. Once a language is written down it changes more slowly, so that 8th-graders in Iceland can read the 13th C sagas, though with difficulty. We don't have good records for languages that aren't written down, mostly reports from missionaries who were not professional linguists. Of things written down by professionals, it looks like the changes can be quick. I vaguely recall reading about a recording made in the 1940's of a remote Nepalese language that current speakers have minor trouble with already, as words have gone out of use.
Few languages are entirely isolated. Groups retain some contact with other tribes, and as those are usually from highly related language branches, common words get reinforced and kept. Reportedly, the Caucasus and Papua New Guinea are the best laboratories for studying these things, because both have many remote tribes with no outside contact and very little even close contact. This is notably because they either flee from or kill intruders. Noble savage and all that.
Crud. I wasn't clear. I meant to ask if the rate of change was constant between cultures/language families. But from what you wrote it sounds like that's not known.
I was wondering if Hawaii would be a useful test case, but I gather there's quite a bit of dispute about when it was settled and how often.
Rubber rulers...
OT, but I'm just starting Irving Finkel's "The Ark Before Noah," which in the very first chapter begins to paint such a charming portrait of an ancient-languages geek that I feel sure you would enjoy it. He's going to go on to examine how a catastrophic sudden filling of the Black Sea might be the origin of Indo-European world-destroying flood traditions.
What a pleasure to run across well-written popular science. You'd want this guy for a dinner guest.
Post a Comment