I was in a few comment threads on the occasion of Pete
Seeger’s death. Those have dwindled into
pointless repetition – some of it mine – so I am turning the page on that in specific. However, a particular argument kept coming up
that I had forgotten about.
Seeger, and Baez, and the whole Folk Song Army didn’t criticise the USSR and China because there would be no point in
that. They couldn’t affect that. They focussed on the evils in America because
that was where they could make a difference.
My soul screams “Liar!” but let me calm down and try to
refute that more dispassionately.
I was in the Folk Song Army, singing at coffeehouses and
small wannabee festivals, listening to the records and hanging out with the
other folkies. At no time did anyone say
“Gosh darn it, I wish we could bring some of this protest and scorn to
Czechoslovakia or North Vietnam and try and change their minds! But
we’re stuck here trying to improve this pretty good place. I wouldn’t mind the
danger or anything of leading a chorus of ‘We Shall Overcome” outside the
Lubyanka, but what good would it do?
They wouldn’t listen.” I know this is hard to believe, but it's true. No one ever said that, or even hinted it, wink-wink.
No, the tone then was moral equivalence at best. Any
criticism of Russia as a police state would be greeted with assurances that we
did the same thing right here in America.
Any noting of military agression from the Soviet or PRC side would
unleash a torrent of examples of how the US was arming right-wing strongmen in
Countries A, B, & C. And then, of
course, the subject would have successfully been changed, so that the minuses
of tolerating a Marcos or a Pinochet would occupy 100% of the field, and all
discussion of whether Mao or Breshnev should be shipping AK-47’s to Allende or
Ho would be conveniently off the table.
Because that’s equivalence. I
will note, not for the first time, that the American excuse for arming bad guys
against rebels was that we were only responding to the Soviets assisting worse
guys there. The USSR said they were only
there because we were. In 1970, if you
squinted really hard, you could call that mutual finger-pointing unresolvable,
I suppose. However, we have new data
since then. The Iron Curtain collapsed
and stopped sending money to the Shining Paths of the world. Since then, the US has not been particularly
involved in the revolutions and counter-revolutions of those places, and they
have had whatever good or bad governments they want. Plus, we have lots of
inside KGB info that was unavailable before, which substantiates who the
aggressors were all along. The Russians
certainly felt that they were only responding, and didn’t see themselves
as the instigators, but we now know they were frigging paranoid. So you can stop squinting – it was never
equivalent after all.
There is a new, improved version of this which asks “Well,
is that our standard, just to be better than Russia? Can’t we aspire to be something more than
that?” Well of course. Why didn’t you say so in the first place? Like, at Woodstock or something.
At the next level down, was it even true that no good could
be done?
A gentleman on the board over
at
The Nation keeps repeating that until Gorbachev, the noble Mikhail,
declined to invade breakaway countries from the USSR, no protest would have had
the least effect.
(I had also forgotten
how much leftists needed to give Gorbachev all the credit. Talk to some actual Eastern Europeans about that, please.) How this squares
with the
other progressive (Gandhian/MLK) Civil Disobedience strategy
being adequate to all circumstances he doesn’t say.
I can help him out there.
Peaceful appeals to morality sometimes work on
people who already have morals. But the folkie claim was never that the
communist countries were immoral (except when they
just had to because
we had driven them to it) and thus beyond the appeal of reason, but that we in
the West were; particularly the Anglosphere.
I mean, they went nuts when Reagan called the USSR the Evil Empire. The
modern revision is that Reagan was unwise because such things dangerously
escalated tensions.
Yes, that was said
at the time; but far more energy was put into the complaint that this
black-and-white
characterisation* of the struggle was stupid and a cause of the problem.Damn conservatives only made it worse. No one, apparently, ever made it worse on the communist side, until Gorbachev finally made it better.
Yet outside of any left-right, Whig-Tory, orange-green
divide, it can never be true that a nation is unaffectable in one moment and
collapses in the next. It may look that
way in the moment, as we become surprised by the unexpected vulnerability of
Orthanc. Regimes can be hard but
brittle. Notice, if a regime was brittle in 1482 it was most likely brittle in
1481, 1480, and quite far back. The Soviet Union did not suddenly become vulnerable in 1989. We just didn't know it was vulnerable.
Solzhenitsyn, the
Samizdata movement, the
PlasticPeople,
Vaclav Havel (see his
The Power of the Powerless )
and thousands of others all believed that some good might come of their
protests.
The very fact that protest and
criticism were put down so quickly suggests that the secret police and other
authorities shared their view.
Those
seemed to live in perpetual fear that it could all go up in flames if a spark
hit dry tinder at the right moment.
Of
course.
That is in fact how those
governments came to power.
They were
proved right at the end as well, with the Ceaucescus of the world speaking
before wildly cheering crowds one month and executed the next.
Pete Seeger went to Russia in 1968. He acknowledged in
retrospect that he should have asked about the Gulag. One cheer for that.
Notice it does suggest that he himself
thought such a question might have done some good – which some of his defenders
don’t acknowledge even now. The difference is not
how much effect one can have?
but
how safe is it, and how much fun is it?
I don’t fault him particularly for not speaking out if he had come back and
said “Are you kidding?
I didn’t dare.”
It would raise questions about why you bothered to go in the first place, but
reasons for
that could vary.
As
to the fun, well it just is.
It’s a hoot
to feel persecuted
without having any actual danger.
One level deeper still. Even if our protest is pointless, do
we still have an obligation to protest, even at a cost? That gets trickier, I think. We do not know ever absolutely know that
there is no chance of change. There’s
that. Also we admire the courage of
those who do speak out, if only to provide a record that someone objected,
though they are themselves destroyed. May I point out that if one takes the
view that declining a pointless protest is morally defensible, then that
courtesy should be extended to those who didn’t speak out against the
Holocaust, or against slavery or civil rights abuses when those presented?
Still, a case could be made that we have no moral obligation
to protest when there is no possible hope.
I grant that. I just don’t think
it applies here.
A case can also be made that we each have our assigned place
and duties in the world, and an American might legitimately say “It is
irrelevant to me what evils they do in other countries. I live here, I have some responsibility for
the place, and my energies will be devoted to improving my little corner.” I think this is not only permissable, but
wise and elevated. I think this is the
real moral principle that was (and still is) being used as a screen; a truth
twisted ninety degrees. I believe I can fully enter into this line of thought.
Yet when I am in that line of thought, it seems distasteful
and inappropriate to me to operate by sneer and by parody. One doesn’t sing “Little Boxes” in such a
mood, nor “Talkin’ Ben Tre.” Most of Seeger’s songs don’t fall into that
category, but that was the genre. In
fact, it was a technique recommended by CPUSA, to take old hymns and folksongs,
redo the words and repurpose them for revolutionary aims. It gives the listener
a sense of comfort, softening him up for unfamiliar ideas.
*Reagan did believe they were evil, but not that we were all
good. He stressed that it was not so
important that we claim God is on our side, but that we be on His. He spoke often of where America had fallen
short of her own ideals. That is an important humility.